The emerging world order is increasingly polycentric, characterized by overlapping crises, fragmented multilateralism, and a growing gap between global risks and the capacity of states to govern them (Acharya, 2017; Weiss, 2013). In this context, the social sector \u2013 civil society organizations, non-profit entities, and the social and solidarity economy \u2013 is shifting from a peripheral actor of well-being to a strategic center of power in global governance (World Economic Forum, 2013).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Civil society has acted for decades as a \u201cnorm-making entrepreneur,\u201d influencing international regimes on anti-personnel mines, human rights, climate justice, and corporate responsibility through transnational advocacy networks (Keck & Sikkink, 1998; Marchetti, 2013). By recentering issues such as inequality, ecological collapse, and digital surveillance as problems of justice and democracy, and not merely technical ones, civil society actors broaden what is considered legitimate in the debate about the world order (Risse, 2012).<\/a>\u200b<\/p>\n\n\n\n At the institutional level, the social sector today constitutes an essential pillar of multistakeholder global governance, alongside states and markets (Kaldor, 2003; Kaldor & Selchow, 2022). Experience in areas such as the fight against corruption shows that only coalitions involving governments, the private sector, and organized civil society can produce significant levels of transparency and accountability in complex transnational regimes (Kaldor & Selchow, 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n The sector also addresses specific governance gaps, operating where the capacity or political will of the State is limited. Civil society organizations play crucial roles in humanitarian aid, social protection, peacebuilding, and local development, especially in fragile and conflict-affected contexts (Panth, 2018). By ensuring access to health, education, and basic services, they contribute to securing a minimum level of social order and human security upon which any broader architecture of global governance depends (European Training Foundation, 2024).<\/p>\n\n\n\n In this ecosystem, the social and solidarity economy (SSE) has become emblematic of the social sector's capacity to reshape economic norms. The 2023 United Nations General Assembly resolution on \u201cPromoting the Social and Solidarity Economy for Sustainable Development\u201d recognizes the SSE as contributing to poverty eradication, decent work, and the achievement of the SDGs (United Nations General Assembly, 2023). By embedding democratic ownership, reciprocity, and community benefit in economic practices, SSE organizations challenge the centrality of shareholder-oriented capitalism and propose alternative models of inclusive and sustainable development (UN Inter-Agency Task Force on Social and Solidarity Economy, 2024).<\/p>\n\n\n\n The sector's contribution to the 2030 Agenda and to human rights reinforces its systemic importance. Human rights-based approaches are increasingly recognized as foundational for achieving SDG targets related to poverty, gender equality, education, and environmental protection, particularly in conflict contexts (International Institute for Sustainable Development, 2025). Professional and community actors, including social workers and grassroots movements, translate these universal norms into concrete policies and practices, bridging global commitments and local realities (International Federation of Social Workers, 2024).<\/p>\n\n\n\n However, the growing influence of the social sector is not without tensions. The closure of civic space, the resurgence of authoritarianism, disinformation, and the risk of capture undermine the autonomy of civil society and its role as a democratic counterweight (CONCORD Europe, 2025). Several authors also warn that civil society can reproduce inequalities and elite interests if it lacks internal mechanisms for accountability, representation, and reflexivity regarding its own power (Howell & Pearce, 2001; Marchetti, 2013).<\/p>\n\n\n\n In the emerging new world order, the most decisive contribution of the social sector may lie precisely in redefining the criteria of legitimacy in global governance. By demanding that global rules and institutions align with principles of dignity, participation, and ecological responsibility \u2013 and not merely with narrow national or corporate interests \u2013 civil society and the social and economic sector become co-authors of new normative architectures (Risse, 2012; World Economic Forum, 2013). If they manage to preserve their independence, deepen social roots, and institutionalize these principles in laws, policies, and organizational practices, they will not merely adapt to a new order; they will actively contribute to writing its rules.<\/p>\n\n\n\n References<\/strong>:<\/p>\n\n\n\n Acharya, A. (2017). After liberal hegemony: The advent of a multiplex world order<\/em>. Ethics & International Affairs, 31(3), 271\u2013285.\u200b<\/p>\n\n\n\n CONCORD Europe. (2025). Civil society power<\/em>. https:\/\/concordeurope.org\/our-work\/our-priorities\/civil-society-power\/<\/a><\/a>\u200b<\/p>\n\n\n\n European Training Foundation. (2024). The role of civil society organizations in human capital development and lifelong learning<\/em> (Thematic paper). European Training Foundation.<\/a>\u200b<\/p>\n\n\n\n Howell, J., & Pearce, J. (2001). Civil society and development: A critical exploration<\/em>Lynne Rienner.<\/a>\u200b<\/p>\n\n\n\n International Federation of Social Workers. (2024, October 31). Social work and the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)<\/em>. https:\/\/www.ifsw.org<\/a><\/a>\u200b<\/p>\n\n\n\n International Institute for Sustainable Development. (2025, February 25). Leveraging cooperation for human rights and SDGs in conflict zones<\/em>SDG Knowledge Hub. https:\/\/sdg.iisd.org<\/a><\/a>\u200b<\/p>\n\n\n\n Kaldor, M. (2003). Global civil society: An answer to war<\/em>. Polity Press.<\/a>\u200b<\/p>\n\n\n\n Kaldor, M., & Selchow, S. (2022, April 5). Role of civil society in global governance<\/em> [Public lecture]. Kapuscinski Development Lectures. https:\/\/kapuscinskilectures.eu<\/a><\/a>\u200b<\/p>\n\n\n\n Keck, M.E., & Sikkink, K. (1998). Activists beyond borders: Advocacy networks in international politics<\/em>Cornell University Press.<\/a>\u200b<\/p>\n\n\n\n Marchetti, R. (2013). Civil society, global governance, and the quest for legitimacy. In T. Risse (Ed.), Global governance \u2013 Building on the civil society agenda<\/em> (pp. 29\u201347). European Union Institute for Security Studies.<\/a>\u200b<\/p>\n\n\n\n Panth, B. (2018). The role of civil society in accelerating global actions for a world free of poverty and hunger<\/em>. United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs.\u200b<\/p>\n\n\n\n Risse, T. (Ed.). (2012). Governance without a state? Policies and politics in areas of limited statehood<\/em>Columbia University Press.<\/a>\u200b<\/p>\n\n\n\n UN Inter\u2011Agency Task Force on Social and Solidarity Economy. (2024, October 14). Social and solidarity economy and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)<\/em>United Nations. https:\/\/unsse.org<\/a>\u200b<\/p>\n\n\n\n United Nations General Assembly. (2023). Promoting the social and solidarity economy for sustainable development<\/em> (A\/RES\/77\/281).<\/p>\n\n\n\n Weiss, TG (2013). Global governance: Why? What? Whither?<\/em> Polity Press.<\/a>\u200b<\/p>\n\n\n\n World Economic Forum. (2013). The future role of civil society<\/em>World Economic Forum. https:\/\/www3.weforum.org\/docs\/WEF_FutureRoleCivilSociety_Report_2013.pdf<\/a><\/a><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" A ordem mundial emergente \u00e9 cada vez mais polic\u00eantrica, caracterizada por crises sobrepostas, multilateralismo fragmentado e um fosso crescente entre os riscos globais e a capacidade dos Estados para os governarem (Acharya, 2017; Weiss, 2013). Neste contexto, o sector social \u2013 organiza\u00e7\u00f5es da sociedade civil, entidades sem fins lucrativos e economia social e solid\u00e1ria \u2013 […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":15399,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-15396","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-noticias"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/wecare.center\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/01\/Word-Order.jpg?fit=1600%2C896&ssl=1","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/wecare.center\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15396","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/wecare.center\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/wecare.center\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/wecare.center\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/wecare.center\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=15396"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/wecare.center\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15396\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":15397,"href":"https:\/\/wecare.center\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15396\/revisions\/15397"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/wecare.center\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/15399"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/wecare.center\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=15396"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/wecare.center\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=15396"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/wecare.center\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=15396"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}